Trademarks: Wiley, the Wiley Publishing logo, For Dummies, the Dummies Man Steve Wiegand has not only written about U.S. history, he's been around for. Editorial Reviews. From the Back Cover. Learn: To appreciate the people, events, and places U.S. History For Dummies - Kindle edition by Steve Wiegand. U.S. History for Dummies, 3rd Edition fills the need to improve high school proficiency in history by providing a complete history of the United States, presented in.
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Read U.S. History For Dummies PDF - by Steve Wiegand For Dummies | Ace your next history test with this concise, easy-to-read guide U.S. Ace your next history test with this concise, easy-to-read guide U.S. History for Dummies, 3 rd Edition fills the U.S. History For Dummies, 3rd Edition ( ) cover image Chapter 01 (PDF) · Index (PDF) · Table of Contents (PDF). For Dummies. Now revised-the friendly, easy-to-understand guide to the story of America Since the publication of first edition of U.S. History.
The Eisenhower-Dulles New Look was not, as some have charged, a policy with only two options—the use of local forces or nuclear threats. Covert means were used to help overthrow the pro-Marxist regime of Jacobo Arbenz Guzman in Guatemala in , economic pressures were exerted in the Suez Crisis of , and U. Marines were used in Lebanon in The U. While George Kennan argued that communist ideology was an instrument not a determinant of Soviet policy, Dulles argued the opposite.
The Soviet objective, Dulles said flatly, was global state socialism. The common thread running through all the elements of the Eisenhower strategy—nuclear deterrence, alliances, psychological warfare, covert action, and negotiations—was a relatively low cost and an emphasis on retaining the initiative. The most visible and contentious problem was how to deal with the outspoken, unpredictable Senator Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin.
In late January , Truman requested an in-depth report on the continuing world crisis. Of special concern to the president was the Soviet explosion of an atomic bomb, which the administration had not expected until mid at the earliest.
Truman quickly decided that the United States should proceed with the development of a hydrogen bomb. He defined the key components of American military strength as a modernized and trained conventional capacity and a nuclear edge over the communists.
NSC presented Truman with a comprehensive plan of action to meet the Soviet challenge. In sharp contrast, the Kremlin is driven by the desire to achieve absolute power and extend it over the nonSoviet world. Communist ideology requires the enslavement not the fostering of the individual. The fourth section of NSC contrasts the idea of freedom under a government of laws with the idea of slavery under a despotic government.
The document argues that the Soviet blend of domestic insularity and overall aggression is primarily the product of Marxism-Leninism, not historic Russian insecurity.
The primary goal is to maintain a strong free world—politically, morally, economically, and militarily—and to frustrate the Soviet design and bring about its internal change.
In the fifth section, NSC examines Soviet intentions and capabilities. Had Truman gauged capabilities with no reference to ideology and intentions, he might have given way to the Soviets in Berlin rather than ordering the airlift. The Iron Curtain surrounding the satellite nations holds together the Soviet empire. The document looks to the independence of nationalities as a natural and potent threat to communism.
In the sixth section, NSC contrasts U. A thriving global community, including economic prosperity, is necessary for the American system to flourish.
For the Soviets to join the system, they would have to abandon their imperialist designs. At the same time, it leaves open the possibility of U.
It was the definitive statement of the U. Through the treaty, member states promised to defend any member that may be attacked by an outside force, with the unified command under a leader of the Soviet Union. The Warsaw Pact ensured that most European nations were aligned in one of two opposing camps and formalized the political divide in Europe that became prevalent World War II. The Soviet leaders were very apprehensive about this, especially with WWI and WWII still fresh in mind and decided to get security measures in place in the shape of a political and military alliance.
On October 22, , five thousand students crammed into a hall in Budapest and approved a manifesto that, among other things, called for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary, free elections, freedom of association, and economic reform. Along with eight thousand other political prisoners, Cardinal Joseph Mindszenty was released from the prison in which he had been kept in solitary confinement. Hungarian soldiers deserted in droves and gave their weapons to the revolutionaries.
But then Soviet tanks and troops rolled back into the city in the first days of November to crush the Hungarian Revolution, brutally crushing the revolution and killing an estimated two thousand people. Nearly fifteen thousand were wounded. According to the authoritative Black Book of Communism, thirty-five thousand people were arrested, twenty-two thousand jailed, and two hundred executed. More than two hundred thousand Hungarians fled the country, many of them to America.
Conservatives charged that the Eisenhower administration, after encouraging resistance if not revolution, failed to help the Hungarian freedom fighters. In some of its broadcasts, Radio Free Europe, financed by the U. There were several reasons why America did not act in Hungary: The United States asked Austria for freedom of passage to get to Hungary, but Vienna refused transit by land or even use of its air space.
The United States had no plan for dealing with any major uprising behind the Iron Curtain. No one in authority apparently believed that something like the Hungarian Revolution might happen. The Soviets had the home-field advantage, and an American defeat would have been a serious strategic defeat not only in Europe but around the world. Outwardly unsuccessful, the Hungarian Revolution showed that communism in Eastern Europe was weaker than anyone, including the communists, realized.
An empire viewed by many in the West as invincible was exposed as vulnerable. He would represent the Air Force because White was out of town. LeMay noticed that there was something odd about the meeting right from the start. To begin with, there was a civilian in the room who pushed aside a curtain to reveal landing areas for a military engagement on the coast of Cuba. LeMay had been told absolutely nothing about the operation until that moment.
All eyes turned to him when the civilian, who worked for the CIA, asked which of the three sites would provide the best landing area for planes. LeMay explained that he was completely in the dark and needed more information before he would hazard a guess. He asked how many troops would be involved in the landing. The answer, that there would be , dumbfounded him. There was no way, he told them, that an operation would succeed with so few troops.
The briefer cut him short. Over the next month, LeMay tried unsuccessfully to get information about the impending invasion. Then on April 16 he stood in for White—again out of town—at another meeting.
Just one day before the planned invasion, he finally learned some of the basics of the plan. Cuban exiles had been trained as an invasion force by the CIA and former U. The exiles would land in Cuba with the aid of old World War II bombers with Cuban markings and try to instigate a counterrevolution.
It was an intricate plan that depended on every phase working perfectly. But the Secretary of Defense was not present at the meeting. LeMay did not mince words. LeMay explained that without air support, the landing forces were doomed. Gilpatric responded with a shrug. The entire operation went against everything LeMay had learned in his thirty-three years of experience.
In any military operation, especially one of this significance, a plan cannot depend on every step going right.
Most steps do not go right and a great deal of padding must be built in to compensate for those unforeseen problems. It went back to the LeMay doctrine—hitting an enemy with everything you had at your disposal if you have already come to the conclusion that a military engagement is your only option. Use everything, so there is no chance of failure. Limited, half-hearted endeavors are doomed. The Bay of Pigs invasion turned out to be a disaster for the Kennedy administration.
Kennedy realized it too late. The men were either killed or taken prisoner. All of this made Kennedy look weak and inexperienced. A short time later, Kennedy went out to a golf course with his old friend, Charles Bartlett, a journalist. This was not quite true. Kennedy put the blame squarely on the CIA and on himself for going along with the ill-conceived plan. The incident forced Kennedy to grow in office. Although his relationship with the military did suffer, the problems between Kennedy and the Pentagon predated the Bay of Pigs Invasion.
According to his chief aid and speechwriter, Ted Sorensen, Kennedy was unawed by Generals. LeMay was especially incensed when McNamara brought in a group of brilliant, young statisticians as an additional civilian buffer between the ranks of professional military advisers and the White House. They became known as the Defense Intellectuals. This ran against his personality—as LeMay approached almost everything in his life with a feeling of self-doubt, he was actually surprised when things worked out well.
Here he saw the opposite—inexperienced people coming in absolutely sure of themselves and ultimately making the wrong decisions with terrible consequences.
The picture left is one of those taken from the spy plane and clearly shows missile transporter trailers and tents where fuelling and maintenance took place.
In Russian missiles were inferior to American missiles and had a limited range. This meant that American missiles could be fired on Russia but Russian missiles could only be fired on Europe. Stationing missiles on Cuba the only western communist country meant that Russian missiles could now be fired on America. The Cuban leader, Fidel Castro, welcomed the Russian deployment since it would offer additional protection against any American invasion like the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in The group remained on alert and met continuously but were split between those who wanted to take military action and those that wanted a diplomatic solution.
On October 22nd Kennedy made the news of the installations public and announced that he would place a naval blockade around Cuba to prevent Russian missiles from reaching the bases. However, despite the blockade, Russian ships carrying the missiles remained on track for Cuba. Additionally the second letter which was much more demanding and aggressive in tone did not offer a solution to end the conflict.
Attorney General, Robert Kennedy suggested that the best solution was for the second letter be ignored and that the US reply to Kruschev accepting the terms of the first letter. A letter was duly drafted and sent.
On Sunday 28th October Kruschev called a meeting of his advisors. The Russians were aware that President Kennedy was scheduled to address the American people at 5pm that day. Fearing that it could be an announcement of war Kruschev decided to agree to the terms and rushed a response to reach the President before 5pm. The crisis was over. The Russians duly removed their bases from Cuba and as agreed US missiles were quietly removed from Turkey some months later.
Result of the Cuban Missile Crisis In the summer of , negotiations on a treaty to ban above ground nuclear testing dominated the political world. The treaty involved seventeen countries, but the two main players were the United States and the Soviet Union.
Throughout the s, with the megaton load of nuclear bombs growing, nuclear fallout from tests had become a health hazard, and by the s, it was enough to worry scientists. Kennedy, in particular, was pushing for a ban and was optimistic about succeeding.
It never happened. The result of the Cuban Missile Crisis was an increasing buildup of nuclear weapons that continued until the end of the Cold War.
LeMay did not see any military advantage for the U. He doubted the countries would come to an agreement and felt vindicated when the talks deadlocked by the end of the summer.
The agreement was ultimately signed the following spring, though, and remains one of the crowning achievements of the Kennedy Administration. Completely unnoticed that summer was the sailing of Soviet cargo ships bound for Cuba.
With the U. But these particular ships were part of a larger military endeavor that would bring the two powers to the most frightening standoff of the Cold War. Sailing under false manifest, these cargo ships were secretly bringing Soviet-made, medium range ballistic missiles to be deployed in Cuba.
Once operational, these highly accurate missiles would be capable of striking as far north as Washington, D. An army of over 40, technicians sailed as well. History for Dummies, 3 rd Edition unlocks the door to the past—and the future. Dummies has always stood for taking on complex concepts and making them easy to understand.
Dummies helps everyone be more knowledgeable and confident in applying what they know. Whether it's to pass that big test, qualify for that big promotion or even master that cooking technique; people who rely on dummies, rely on it to learn the critical skills and relevant information necessary for success.
All rights reserved. Go to Dummies. Print Share. Ace your next history test with this concise, easy-to-read guide U. New coverage includes: Recession recovery, including federal efforts, unemployment, and the widening class divide The rise of the extreme right and the bitter divisions between political parties and geographic regions Seeking the balance between superpower and domestic caretaker The impact of social media, government surveillance, and cyber crime Not all history is old news, and what happened yesterday affects us all today.